Access to Education as a Human Security Requisite in the Context of Ukrainian Refugees Inclusion in Romania
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Access to Education as a Human Security Requisite in the Context of Ukrainian Refugees Inclusion in Romania
Abstract
At the beginning of 2022, Romania faced an impressive wave of refugees from Ukraine, following the Russian invasion on the 24th of February. The extraordinary mobilisation of the civil society and authorities to receive war refugees from Ukraine – mostly women, children, the elderly and people with disabilities – led to a rapid change in the migration and asylum policy in Romania and in the European Union.
By means of statistical data and legislative documents as well as content analysis of semi-structured, audio-recorded interviews with Ukrainian refugees, Romanian citizens from the business environment, academia, the public sector and NGOs, as a non-representative sample, the paper addressed the research question whether education influences human security in the context of the inclusion in Romania of Ukrainian war refugees.
The present mixed methods study revealed that, despite the lack of a legal framework and linguistic barriers, the access of Ukrainian children, war refugees to Romanian schools and kindergartens was ensured, as part of human security.
The Ukrainian refugee crisis enhanced the collaboration between the Romanian public and private sectors and civil society, which calls for a greater future involvement of the civil society, alongside competent authorities, in immigration policies.
Keywords
Ukrainian war refugees, educational policies, human security
JEL Classification
I20, I23, I29
1. Introduction
Before the Ukrainian refugee crisis, the Romanian migration and asylum policy has mainly aimed at selecting qualified migrants who can be easily integrated, if not assimilated, into the Romanian society. Since most foreign workers were young men or women, not accompanied by children, there was no need for the educational system to adapt and ensure the inclusion of immigrant children.
From the perspective of the integration of Ukrainian refugees in Romania, the actions of the actors involved – public authorities, international organisations with branches in Romania and non-governmental organisations – show that inclusion measures have rapidly crystallised in Romania. However, their de facto implementation has registered deficiencies in all main social areas the labour and housing markets, healthcare and the education systems, apart from the pre-existing structural shortcomings in these areas, even before the refugee influx.
To date, few qualitative studies have documented the perceptions of refugees and institutional actors in Romania regarding the link between education and human security. Using statistical data from official documents, empirical research carried out by NGOs and a semi-structured, audio-recorded interviews with Ukrainian refugees, Romanian citizens from the business environment, academia, the public sector and NGOs, this paper tried to answer the research question whether education influences human security in the context of the inclusion of Ukrainian war refugees.
The paper relies on the definition of human security provided in the United Nations General Assembly resolution 66/290, according to which “human security was an approach to assist Member States in identifying and addressing widespread and cross-cutting challenges to the survival, livelihood and dignity of their people” (The United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security, n.d).
Additionally, the study focuses on the humanitarian dimension of the Ukrainian refugee crisis of 2022, advancing the idea that the inclusion of Ukrainian refugees can be seen both from the perspective of human security, the vulnerability of refugees, mostly children and women, and as a form of solidarity in the face of Russian aggression as a threat to European and national security, reaffirmed by the European Union through the slogan “The EU stands united with Ukraine”.
This study is part of a PhD research which has been carried out since October 2021 regarding the influence of the Ukrainian refugee crisis on the Romanian and European Union immigration policies.
2. Literature Review
Identity is often used generically and often refers to national identity, ethnic identity, group identity, political identity as a form of the sense of belonging, in a global context, characterised by diversity.
Belonging to modern society is not conditional on cultural identity, nationalism or the capacity of states to secure borders, according to Huysmans (2000), but rather on the access to social benefits and insurance. In terms of establishing the legitimacy of the right to social benefits, immigrants, asylum seekers and refugees represent an often contested category, whose legal rights are not automatically considered legitimate rights (Huysmans, 2000).
From the perspective of the securitisation theory developed by the Copenhagen School of security studies, Buzan et al. (1998) highlight the conservative nature of “identity”, where challenges and changes are perceived as threats to identity and the obligation to be faithful to this identity. It depends on the openness or reluctance of the holders of that collective identity to assess whether immigrants represent a threat or not.
In the context of a radical form of welfare chauvinism, immigrants suffer socio-economic stigmatisation. They are represented as foreigners who take advantage of the kindness of a host state and obtain undeserved, illegitimate benefits from the welfare system of a community to which they do not belong and which they burden (Huysmans, 2000).
Such social benefits include education, an area that represented often a topic for political debate, even dispute, at national level. Apart from the frequent changes in the Romanian educational curricula and legislation, the low rate of graduation, inappropriate conditions for children to learn and teachers to deliver the educational act were many times reported.
Negative stereotyping and hostile attitudes are often present when speaking about the integration of foreign children in schools. According to Castelli Gattinara & Morales (2016), the articulation of cultural threats occurs in the context of identity politics, in which the distinction between groups based on perceived ethnic, cultural and religious differences by the host society on the one hand and by immigrant communities on the other hand is a crucial element.
Through the emergence of negative stereotypes, perceived difference between groups tends to strengthen in-group attachment and increase hostility towards members of other groups. As a consequence, racism and ethnocentrism often appear in relation to opposition to immigration, especially if the native population considers migrant communities to be ethnically and culturally incompatible. Mechanisms of symbolic threat and out-group hostility are activated when there are unrealistic expectations regarding the size of immigrant communities and the integration of immigrants (Castelli Gattinara & Morales, 2016).
Have the Romanian authorities managed to manage the Ukrainian refugee crisis from February 2024 to the present, in the same manner of solidarity, unity and cooperation with NGOs and civil society?
Pettigrew (1979) considered that in the general analysis of the social process there must be a special interest in understanding the dynamics of the evolution of an organsation, and, firstly, the crisis represents a defined moment for data collection, which is very practical for observing an extended flow of time, events, people and processes.
Secondly, the crisis can be seen as a more detailed case study within the general case study providing a good perspective on the functioning of the social system. Thirdly, the analysis of a crisis situation offers the opportunity to study ongoing processes and to observe the mechanisms and processes by which routine is transformed into crisis, then into another routine and then into another crisis (Pettigrew, 1997).
Thus, the need for a theoretical redefinition of important aspects of immigrant inclusion is observed. Thus, religion, culture and linguistic background appear as additional elements to access to social benefits in the host country, similar to those of its citizens. Therefore, they could contribute to a redefinition of social identity, as part of the same group, for both immigrants and citizens of the host countries.
3. Methodology
Mixed methods research (quantitative and qualitative) was used, including analysis of statistical data and legislative documents as well as content analysis of semi-structured, audio-recorded interviews with Ukrainian refugees, Romanian citizens from the business environment, academia, the public sector and NGOs. The study explored the government data for 2023, published in early 2024, regarding the tools for implementing policies for the inclusion of Ukrainian refugees.
The documents were analysed by following both the moments of elaboration of the policies for inclusion of Ukrainian refugees and the effects of their implementation during the period under analysis in Romania. The types of documents subject to analysis were official documents, statistical data from national databases as well as press materials published online. The analysed period was 24th of February 2022 – 31st of December 2023.
The interviews had as central points of analysis the changes in Romanians’ attitudes towards Ukrainian citizens since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, the interaction of citizens and authorities with Ukrainian refugees from an identity perspective, and the identification of perceived or real risks related to the inclusion of Ukrainian refugees.
Three interview guides were applied to the following three categories: Ukrainian refugees, Romanian citizens who had economic relations with Ukrainian refugees, as well as Romanian citizens employed by non-governmental organisations involved in supporting Ukrainian refugees, experts from academia and the public sector, to ensure a broader perspective both on the drafting and the implementation of the public measures.
The sampling of respondents was non-probabilistic, the participants being selected based on their availability to participate in an interview of approximately 30 minutes, by telephone or via the Zoom platform. For anonymisation, each of the eighteen respondents was assigned a random two-letter sequence, while no mention was made in the text to their names, age or the organisation they belonged to. A list with socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents was drafted after participants accepted to take part in the interview. After the interview was transcribed, the audio and video recordings were deleted from the records.
Previously to the interview, the participants were asked to fill in a consent form, drafted both in Romanian and in English. Each participant was informed about the name of the study and confidentiality of the answers provided. Respondents were also ensured of their right to refuse to answer certain questions.
Each of the three interview guides included three sections, the first regarding the recollection of the beginning of the experience, the second dedicated to perceptions regarding the activity of public institutions and non-governmental organisations and the third, regarding identity perception. The interviews, conducted according to the attached guide, were conducted between March and June 2024, online and by phone.
A limitation of the research is the unrepresentativeness of the research sample, with respondents being selected for convenience. Furthermore, a balanced representation of different socio-demographic categories could not be achieved. For example, the interviewees from Ukraine were exclusively female, aged between 20 and 45, with a good knowledge of English.
Also, the probability level of the hypotheses could not be tested as in quantitative research, in the present research it is rather about estimates based on the answers of most respondents. However, the research had promising results and was relevant to the proposed objectives, providing answers to the research question.
4. Results and Discussions
From Pettigrew’s (1979) perspective, according to which the analysis of a crisis provides information regarding the functioning of the social system, mechanisms and social processes, the empirical research has highlighted three phases of evolution of the Ukrainian refugee crisis, the first characterised by confusion and disorientation, the second by social innovations and legislative changes, and the third by slight resilience.
A key aspect of the integration of Ukrainian refugees has been the children’s access to the Romanian education system. The government has opened the labour market to Ukrainian refugees and daycare centres, but many Ukrainian children fleeing the war have not received the proper vaccinations, a requirement for accessing preschool programmes. But a key part of successfully welcoming refugees is helping them integrate into local communities.
In large cities, the Ukrainian refugee crisis revealed major problems in the national educational system, mainly with respect to the access and language issues in schools and kindergartens. Although the free access to the Romanian educational system was ensured to Ukrainian war refugees, it was very hard to find free places in kindergartens and schools. Difficulties in finding a job were also a challenge for mothers. Moreover, it was almost impossible to find an Ukrainian speaking teacher in most cities (Expert Forum, 2023).
According to a press release from the Ministry of Education, in order to respect the right to education and equal opportunities, Ukrainian students arriving on Romanian territory may be enrolled, upon request, in groups/classes/study formations in pre-university education units as listeners, in accordance with the provisions of art. 125, para. 2) of the Framework Regulation on the organisation and functioning of pre-university education units approved by MEN Order no. 5,447/2020, with subsequent amendments and supplements. Ukrainian students benefit from free accommodation in boarding schools, food allowance, the right to housing, namely: school supplies, clothing, footwear and textbooks (Ministry of Education, 2022).
For the Ministry of Education in particular, the integration of Ukrainian children into the Romanian educational system represented a great challenge, primarily because the Romanian education system had to be adapted to the needs of Ukrainian children.
According to government data, by the end of March 2024, approximately 50 thousand children up to the age of 18 were benefiting from temporary protection, approximately 90% of them being enrolled as students or listeners in kindergartens, schools or high schools (Romanian Government, n.d.). In addition, from 2015 to 2022, the number of classrooms and amphitheatres in urban areas to ensure educational activities increased from 88.753 in 2015 to 90.085 in 2022 (National Institute of Statistics, n.d.).
For the 2022-2023 and 2023-2024 school years, the Ministry of Education has developed national procedures for the enrolment of Ukrainian children in the 9th grade. In order to enrol, Ukrainian students must have completed secondary school in Romania or Ukraine and be able to justify this status through certificates issued by the educational institutions where they graduated. However, such procedures have not been issued for other categories of pupils and students.
The challenge for the Romanian Ministry of Education was even higher as the beneficiaries of education policies were frightened children, displaced from their country, with war trauma and disoriented in a foreign country, where they could not communicate.
As for the integration part, the development of services, the driving force behind the integration of Ukrainians was civil society and not state institutions: “It was difficult with schools. Yes, taking a child from a social point of view, I mean psychologically as well, taking a child who is in a foreign country, separated from his family, his colleagues, his friends, taking him as an assistant in a class where he doesn’t understand anything. He doesn’t understand the language. The feeling of abandonment and frustration only grows. And then telling him that if he doesn’t enrol in school, you won’t give him the rent money, would he enrol in school? Yes, in a Ukrainian class, with a Ukrainian teacher who could talk to them. And then I think the role of civil society was to fill this gap. And there were many organisations that joined this effort” (SR).
The perceptions captured through the interviews demonstrated, however, that either the state did not communicate the results of the measures taken in the field of education, or these measures were not effective: “I don’t think they offered them Romanian language courses, which is super important for them to learn Romanian. I don’t know if they were heard about from state institutions. Everything that was offered was somehow by NGOs” (TR).
Apart from feelings of abandonment and uncertainty, some Ukrainian respondents have even reported negative attitudes from other parents at school or even from Romanian children. From these reasons, they expressed their preference towards private schools with courses taught in English.
Also, other respondents from non-governmental organisations criticised the weak involvement of the state in organising Romanian language courses, but also the weak motivation of Ukrainian citizens to learn Romanian, because the stay in Romania was considered only temporary. Not enough Romanian language qualification courses were organised by public authorities. The initiative was instead ensured by NGOs, but the involvement of Ukrainians in these courses was not sufficient. Not all of them wanted to learn Romanian because they hoped to return home (TR).
Educational policies for the integration of Ukrainian refugees, although formulated in record time, did not have the expected effectiveness and were criticised by many of the respondents from non-governmental organisations.
There were allegations that educational policies were formulated pompously, aiming mainly at spending budgets and producing remarkable statistical data and not at obtaining de facto results: The costs of a Romanian language course for 90 beneficiaries was approximately 7,000 euros. Moreover, there was information according to which some of the refugees had participated in other Romanian language courses organised by other NGOs, which paid them to come to the Romanian language courses (RS).
There were, however, plenty of examples of former beneficiaries engaging in support programmes and job search workshops. Many of them had professional experience in Ukraine in key areas such as human resources or academia.
Another obstacle was the need to care for children under 6 years old, who could not be enrolled in kindergarten or school due to linguistic reasons or lack of information on the ways of recognising diplomas. There were, however, many good results with Ukrainian mothers and children who adapted, who enrolled in Romanian schools, who at least during the conflict, considered this to be a normality.
Although the support was provided by a stranger to another stranger, and significant language differences, cultural and identity barriers were eliminated. However, apart from temporary protection, which many Ukrainian refugees did not know how to obtain, they did not have any other benefits. “When they enter the country, an asylum seeker, until they obtain international protection, receives some money, they have the right to accommodation in accommodation centres. They did not have these things. Indeed, this programme was opened for accommodation directly to the owner, which was very okay at first, because it was resolved, and the huge wave would not have had the immigration services how to accommodate so many thousands and hundreds of thousands of people, they would not have had the capacity” (TR).
5. Conclusions
The analysis of the results of the interviews confirms the relationship between the lack of decision-making transparency and lack of information, on the one hand, and the inclusion of Ukrainian refugees, on the other – but not the relationship between administrative fragmentation and excessive bureaucracy on the one hand, and the inclusion of Ukrainian refugees, on the other.
The main barriers to inclusion identified in Romania were linguistic ones, inadequate institutional architecture and lack of inter-institutional coordination. Diagnoses carried out by private organisations also highlighted the lack of information on how refugees can register as beneficiaries of temporary protection, as well as the short time frames in which they can do so, which reduce their access to the educational system and their chances of inclusion on the labour market.
However, the Ukrainian refugee crisis was seen as an important element in the crystallisation of collaboration between the public and private sectors and civil society, including through volunteering, enhancing the role and importance of the latter. While in Western European societies there is a great involvement of civil society in solving social problems, in Romania the task of identifying social solutions is perceived as belonging exclusively to the authorities.
The partnership between the academic and the public sector is essential for the civil society and businesses from the perspective of transferring specialised knowledge both from the academic to the public sector and vice versa. Also, real knowledge of social problems and the challenges faced by authorities in implementing public policies will contribute to calibrating the scientific effort to bring viable research-based solutions.
In the context of forced displacement, education is not merely a social service, but a pillar of human security, fostering stability, agency, and psychological resilience.
About the Author
Oana-Raluca Tudor (Trifan)
Faculty of Political Sciences, University of Bucharest, Romania
References
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